Bihar Elections 2025: Which Way Are the Pasmanda Muslims Leaning?

Bihar Assembly Elections 2025: Whenever elections approach, every political party turns its attention to one specific vote bank—the Muslim vote bank. For decades, it has been assumed that Muslims in India remain loyal to a particular party. But now, a new churn is happening within this vote bank—a division that could deeply shake the existing political equations. And this division is between Ashraf and Pasmanda Muslims. You may not have heard much about these terms, but they have now moved to the center of political discourse.

Pasmanda—a word that encapsulates a long socio-economic history. These are the Muslims considered socially backward—belonging to castes like Kunjra, Ansari, Mansoori, Raine, Darzi, Nai, and Faqir. They constitute nearly 80% of India’s Muslim population, yet remain largely marginalized in terms of political representation.

When the Vote Bank Begins to Fracture

For years, it was believed that Muslims voted en masse—sometimes for Congress, sometimes for regional parties. But now, Pasmanda Muslims are beginning to question: “We voted for decades, but what did we receive in return?” The representation was largely given to the Ashraf Muslims—that is, upper-caste Muslims like Syeds, Sheikhs, Pathans, and Maliks, who have traditionally held influence over both religion and politics.

In Bihar, this question is gaining momentum, especially since Muslims make up nearly 17% of the population here, and the Pasmanda group is the largest within it. With the 2025 state elections nearing, this debate has grown even sharper: Will Pasmanda Muslims now carve out their own political identity?

NDA’s “Pasmanda Muslim” Strategy

In recent times, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP have repeatedly mentioned Pasmanda Muslims. The NDA government has tried to show that it does not want to rely solely on the majority vote, but aims to connect with that section of the Muslim community that has long felt politically neglected.

In recent years, the government has tried to give preference to representatives from Ansari, Mansoori, Darzi, and Nai communities in schemes and local governance. In Bihar, the BJP and JD(U) have also begun to convey—through their leaders—that the voices of Pasmanda Muslims are being heard.

Will This Strategy Work?

Political analysts believe that winning over Pasmanda Muslims is no easy task. Decades of neglect and marginalization have made this group deeply skeptical. They are still unsure whether their voices are truly being heard—or if this is just another electoral gimmick.

However, it’s also true that a new generation is emerging within the Pasmanda community—one that is more politically aware and assertive. Through social media and grassroots movements, these youths are demanding identity and representation.

RJD and the Pasmanda Question

The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has long relied on the Muslim-Yadav (M-Y) equation. But within the Pasmanda community, a feeling is brewing that while RJD did offer representation to Muslims, it largely favored the upper-caste Ashrafs. From the tenure of Rabri Devi to the present, most prominent Muslim faces from the party have belonged to the Ashraf category.

This has led the Pasmanda section to question whether the “M” in the M-Y equation was merely a mask.

The Appeal of AIMIM and Asaduddin Owaisi

Asaduddin Owaisi of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) has spoken openly about Pasmanda Muslims. The influence AIMIM once gained in Bihar’s Seemanchal region was largely fueled by the anger of the Pasmanda community. Although that influence later waned, AIMIM did demonstrate that if the Pasmanda community can be unified, it can become a powerful political force.

Will a New Political Alternative Emerge?

In Bihar, there is now a growing sentiment among Pasmanda Muslims to form their own political platform—one that speaks exclusively about Pasmanda rights and provides them with electoral participation.

This idea has recently given birth to several small organizations and social forums. These groups are demanding that political parties prioritize Pasmanda leaders while distributing election tickets. And if their demand is ignored, they are even considering adopting a boycott strategy this time.

Will the Trend of Muslim Voting Change?

If the Pasmanda Muslim movement makes an electoral impact, it could usher in a significant shift in Bihar’s political landscape. This would concern not only RJD and JD(U), but also parties like the BJP and AIMIM, who would need to revise their strategies.

Until now, the Muslim vote bank was considered a monolithic block, but cracks are now visible. If these cracks deepen, it could alter the entire political landscape of India.

“Which way are the Pasmanda Muslims leaning?”—this question is no longer just a matter of electoral analysis. It is a sign of deeper social change. The 2025 Bihar election won’t just decide who forms the next government, but whether the Muslim community acknowledges the diversity within itself—and whether the Pasmanda section reshapes its political stature.

This is a quiet yet firm knock of change. And if this knock opens doors, a new chapter in Indian politics will be written.